Powerizing Disguise In Arab Spring, Part 2

Hamid Rayhan


        For All Poets of Magic Lanthon Saptahik Kobitar Adda, Dhaka
The recent Arab uprisings, better known as the Arab Spring, have changed and exposed some of the region's thorniest problems, from the rise of governmental Islam to civil wars and rivalries between key regional powers.

This raises important questions about the impact of the Arab Spring:  these were uprisings a deceptive and transitory phase of popular anger or an omen that led to a genuine democratic transition as an effective means of to prevent the public media from stalling or that political wisdom and prudence will prevail and save the region from the brink of destruction. The Islamic Republic has lost both its power and its legitimacy. As soon as the revolution took place in Egypt in January 2011, the leader of the Islamic Republic called it an Islamic revolution. The Muslim Brotherhood responded by saying that it was not an Islamic revolution, but an Egyptian revolution. The Islamic Republic has lost its past legitimacy because it has endured many years of repression. People have experienced at that time after that, has been the formation of a very powerful, active and effervescent public space, which is not under the control of the ruling regime in the Islamic Republic. It has become a garrison state with no organic connection to the rest of society. Regimes such as the Islamic Republic have no legitimate connection with the people except brutality and violence. We are convinced that Islamic fundamentalists do not kidnap the Arab Spring, because we must all understand that the Islamic theocracy is a revolution in a nation-state, distinguishing in the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt: they are Sunni and not Shia.

Even though, the propensity of Shia communities to support charismatic leaders such as Ayatollah Khomeini does not exist in the overwhelming Sunni population of the region. Moreover, none of these ideologies, such as that of the Muslim Brotherhood, particularly claims the majority of the population. Some football teams in Egypt are more popular than the Muslim Brotherhood. In addition, the example of the Islamic Republic is the best historical mirror to oppose the Arab population, so do not do it. Last but not least, what we are witnessing in the Arab world is transnational. Unfortunately, the racism that exists in the Arab world against Iranians or North Africans is a social fact. The change of the regime does not necessarily mean a change in society. The new regime of knowledge will have to emerge from public space, which must be rid of this type of innate racism. It is a product of ethnic nationalism, which has been the quintessence of the formation of these racist tendencies. The further we move away from ethnic nationalism formations, since they are an integral part of postpowerial ideologies, the more the public space will give us the opportunity to argue antiracist and anti-misogynist arguments. So far, the United States and Israel have played a unique role in the region and in the role of a counterrevolutionary. They have been plotting with Saudi Arabia to avoid this tsunami of revolutionary democratic uprisings or for micro-management to their advantage.

  The false alarm about Israel's Iranian nuclear project is aimed primarily at diverting attention away from the fate of the Palestinians and from the autonomous disposition of the Arab Spring.

Israel has built on the ideology of the opposite Arab democracy and is chiefly responsible for trying to control them, trying to minimize these revolutionary uprisings. And, this idea of going beyond Edward’s Orientalism emphasizing that everyone stands on the shoulders of the giant who was Edward Said, and what we can say is not a negation of Said, but a confirmation of what he says in transcending it. We need to change the interlocutor and the fictitious white man who is in the mind of Edward Said. He tried to convince him that Palestinians had been wronged. This does not result in a very significant change. Even so, the establishment of solidarity, horizontally, in the countries of the Arab and Muslim world, but also in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. This type of interlocution is much more important than trying to convince a white person. There is a comparative and transnational revolutionary uprising that requires this solidarity. This allows us to have an interlocution not only in the public space but also with our friends and comrades from all continents. Here we see the role of the United States, and in American political culture, they have the opportunity to change things. The excess power of money and special interests makes it absolutely impossible for the United States to be representative of the public. They will continue to exercise this radically anti-revolutionary function – in collusion with Saudi Arabia and Israel – but without purpose, because these democratic uprisings are so deeply rooted, so widespread, that they will not be diverted. We must make a distinction between the ruling Zionist regime and the Israeli people. A group of Israelis who want to be part of the Arab Spring, then everything suggests that very soon, the Israelis will overcome their Zionist psychological barrier and join their brothers and sisters in the Arab world. This leads to the sole sensible result and the only scenario in which the Israeli or Palestinian conflict can be resolved, and it is a one-state solution.

Throughout history, all states have been formed from a violent struggle, but here we affirm that it is not a violent revolution. Every revolution brings violence to a certain level, as led a violent ruling in Syria, where China, Russia, and Iran are on one side, and the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel on the other, infusing the violence, the situation and radicalize it. The Americans, the Saudis, and other Gulf states have decided to finance those who are fighting, and the most indigenous violence is perpetrated by the Assad regime. With regard to the race for state control, the violence continues, and the concern is about public space and the formation of institutional resistance, internal tyranny and external imperialism. We understand the functioning of states, but we put more emphasis on institutional training in various ways to prevent the formation of a totalitarian regime. The 2011 uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa paved the way for a possible reinvention of the role of the Arab socio-political activist and the work of the public intellectual. Many changes have been made, and the action of postmodern social activists has played a central role in this historic endeavor.  A thorough examination of the discourse and the subsequent positioning of a large segment between these new actors reveals, after the Arab Spring, neoOrientalist traits for which the concerns and the formulation of the Western metropolis exceed the internal requirements of the political transition. Representing themselves and their theaters through perspectives borrowed from an external and paternalistic logic has led this new generation of actors to a series of contradictions in terms of democratizing rupture and renaissance of the region for which they have been advocating. Loaned prisms and the subordinate agencies are the driving forces that result, paradoxically resulting in claims of independence and ownership. The 2011 social uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East marked a long-awaited rise against the authoritarianism that had prevailed in the region’s political systems since the era of decolonization in the Middle East in the 1960s.

Arab Spring, the revolts, which starts in Tunisia at the end of December 2010 and spread to the rest of the Arab world, resulted in a few months in the fall of the Zein regime in Abidin Ben Ali in Tunisia, Mubarak Hosni The regime in Egypt, Muammar Gaddafi’s regimes in Libya and Ali Abdullah Saleh’s regime in Yemen were the culmination of a decades-old civil and political opposition to a wide range of actors. In living scenes of the union, activists of all tendencies have spontaneously united and, with the average citizen, to decisively oppose the arbitrary dictatorships that have suddenly lost control of a social body able to achieve the change. Although the stories inevitably developed differently from one country to another. And, Ben Ali fled the country seeking asylum in Saudi Arabia. Mubarak was forced to resign and was under house arrest, Gaddafi was lynched by a crowd after an armed conflict for eight months, and an international intervention led by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Saleh resigned after an assassination attempt and in accordance with an agreement negotiated by the Cooperation Council of the Gulf (CCG): the places occupied by these young people and their creative use of social networks are undoubtedly at the center of these transcendental changes.

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