For Sohrab Hassan, Poet & Journalist
Carl Von Clausewitz’s formula, which was mentioned his book Vom Kriege (On War) has been reversed with respect to the relationship between politics and war. Politics is the continuation of war by other means. This means that for the intellectuals this gives us an important clue where it is said that one should not think of the political problems of the intellectuals in terms of science and ideology, but in terms of power. This means in particular that it conceives specific intellectuals working in fields such as pharmacology, computer science, nuclear physics, immunology, social or political theory, psychoanalytic theory, zoology or political geography, where power clearly defines the meaning.
By developing the will within each domain, even interdisciplinary where a pharmacologist and a political geographer collaborate in a study on ways to fight the spread of HIV / AIDS in densely populated areas. As for example or the cratological power, the effects of this particular will can go beyond the scope of its own origin and have a sense of general importance, at once philosophical, historical, theoretical, discursive and political, illustrating how the work of a certain intellectual may have an impact on a wide range of intellectuals, scientists, social and political, although the reference to the role played in the development of the first nuclear bomb can be a clear example. It is not difficult to understand why it should. The case is specific and specialized Oppenheimer’s research refers to its decisive role in the construction of the atomic bomb, its consequences, its military and political importance. almost tangible, as in the situation in which he finds himself. Separated from the Second World War and the Cold War, the development of the nuclear bomb is a paradigmatic example of intellectual’s assertion that politics, such as the Cold War, is a war by other means. However, it is not necessary to resort to the obvious investigations of certain specific intellectuals, located in fields of known military importance, to understand the importance of the role of the intellectuals characterized. In South Africa, no less than in other countries, it often happens that the will of the work of intellectuals in their field exceeds his disciplinary limits and asserts his broader political significance. When, for example, near a coastal city in South Africa, zoologists are invited to study the impact of the construction of a deep-water port on the marine ecology of their neighborhood and to indicate the negative consequences.
Possible, if any, non-devastating among the shipping routes in and out of the harbor, on the daily migratory trajectories of seals and penguins whose habitats appear to be close to the proposed harbor on several islands, such a report on zoos illustrates the specific work of intellectuals with various erratic or social activities. The political importance of the ecological nature due to the rejection by the development society of these results in the report, it is obvious that they ignore it. The need for such a port is justified by apparently irrefutable, seemingly obvious economic interest groups designed to show the supposed advantages for the region in terms of job opportunities for workers, but in reality they are much more beneficial to the workers. Investors and shareholders in the industry in question while the argument or the ecological discourse against them seems far from obvious. And still, given the obvious and complex interdependence of the ecosystems of planet Earth is the consequence of the long-term madness of inflicting damage on one of them, damaging the entire planet. The global ecosystem can be seen as a social, economic and social benefit. Political importance is proportional to the degree to which the general awareness of the economic relevance of finite resources is more and more evident. This illustration of the purchase of discipline by intellectuals about what we might call universal political relations, namely power, also explains the feeling that these intellectuals have approached the proletariat and the masses, even if specific problems do not arise. The universals with which they treat often are far removed from those of the masses confronted with the struggles in which certain intellectuals participate: they are real, material, everyday and with which these intellectuals are often confronted with the same problems. The adversary is the proletariat, that is, the multinational, corporations, judicial and police apparatus, property speculators.
It is clear that the example, that of zoologists who report against the dominant discourse of regional economic development, is a case in the interest of the working class in the long run, even if it seems to undermine his short-term interests term for work. Zoologists like these, as well as many other academics who can act as intellectuals, usually work in universities, of course, which brings me to a related subject. Since the disappearance of the universal intellectual disguised as a writer, associated with a specific activity that has become the basis of politicization, specific intellectuals have been able to establish lateral connections through different forms of knowledge, without giving up work in their own fields. We were able to participate in a process of politicizing intellectuals around the world through mutual exchange, assistance or support. After the mighty empire, observe how the so-called peoples of the world are irreducibly different and have in common something decisive, namely their opposition to the forces of the Empire, the new world sovereign power. It governs the world on many levels, including legal, economic, political, social and cultural, and can form alliances, communications and support networks around the world. It is this process that, largely because of the considerable progress made in global electronic communications technology, allows the academic, as a specific university and university, to present itself as a privileged point of intersection. At the same time, the so-called crisis of universities and education has become a politically sensitive area, which constitutes a discursive barometer of what is being used. The effects of the multiplication and strengthening of power must be considered as centers of a set of polymorphic intellectuals. It may be necessary to add that, elsewhere, he qualifies in a way his conception of the intellectual.
As power denies the role of the intellectual power, which is certainly specific and intellectual, and specifically assigns the function to the historian, instead of providing the analytical tools for a ramified and ubiquitous perception of the present, which makes it possible to locate the lines, weaknesses, forces, positions where the authorities of power have been secured and implemented by an organization system. And, according to the need to analyze history according to the model of war, the role of the intellectual is a topological and geological study of the battlefield. The power is amplified by highlighting the dreams of the intellectual who does not know exactly where a description goes, which, in my opinion, applies very well. Clearly, in his attempt to move away from the well-known tendency to generalize in Western thought, he attributes to the specific intellectual the task of having to be attentive to the vagaries of the present, while keeping in mind that he was a historian and an ego. The objective was to unmask the claims of legitimacy of current practices in the absence of legitimacy, precisely in the light of the contingency of the circumstances of their origin. In Power and Sex, he makes a series of observations that, taking into account his description of the relationship between the intellectual, the will and the power, are relevant to understanding the effects of power that colorization, in and through discourse. This, in turn, will raise similar questions about the effects of the power of other types of will, which circulate in discourses other than the sex, madness and incarceration being explored; Moreover, in South Africa, discourses today have the function of exercising enormous power in certain institutional contexts. In general, in this interview focused on sequential history of sex, attempts to explain that, far from wanting to write a complete history of sexual behavior through the ages, individuals’ own interest is rather to try to understand the connection that has existed since centuries in the world. West Society enters into sex, the desire for will and the effects of power.
Hamid Rayhan is the editor at FREE THINK NOW, covering security, consumer technology, and anything else that seems interesting. Also, he writes fictions, poems and essays on culture, literary theories and philosophy.